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Paul L. Caron
Dean
Pepperdine Caruso
School of Law

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  • The Impact Of The New Federal Student Loan Limits On Law Schools

    ABA Journal, Planning to Attend Law School? New Student Loan Restrictions May Affect the Decision:

    BBBFinancing law school will become more difficult for many students as a result of federal loan restrictions in the budget megabill signed by President Donald Trump on July 4.

    Law.com has the story on the changes, which begin July 1, 2026. The bill caps unsubsidized federal loans to law students and other professional students at $50,000 a year and $200,000 in a lifetime, the article explains. … Annual tuition is above $50,000 at 33 of 50 law schools on Law.com’s list of 2025 Go-To Law Schools. …

    The changes may force some law students to apply for private loans with more stringent requirements and higher interest rates and fees.

    Prior TaxProf Blog coverage:

    Editor’s Note: If you would like to receive a daily email with links to legal education posts on TaxProf Blog, email me here.

    https://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2025/07/the-impact-of-the-new-federal-student-loan-limits-on-law-schools.html

  • NY Times:Ken Kies Helped Companies Dodge Taxes. Now He’s Writing The Rules As Assistant Secretary For Tax Policy.

    New York Times, He Helped Big Companies Dodge Taxes. Now He’s Writing the Rules.:

    KiesIn January 2022, the Internal Revenue Service was cracking down on a tax dodge from the agency’s “dirty dozen” list of abusive shelters. To fight back, promoters of the scheme turned to the lobbyist Ken Kies.

    In a conference call with lawyers and financial advisers, Mr. Kies outlined plans to fight the I.R.S., including by capitalizing on his close relationship with a top agency official, according to a recording of the call obtained by The New York Times.

    Now Mr. Kies has become the Treasury Department’s top tax policy official. The former veteran lobbyist, who has worked for some of America’s biggest companies, was confirmed by the Senate last month to serve as Treasury’s assistant secretary for tax policy.

    It is not uncommon in President Trump’s Washington for lobbyists or other interested parties to get high-level positions at agencies where they once sought access on behalf of corporate clients. But Mr. Kies is not just any lobbyist. For decades, he has played an instrumental role in enabling some of the most lucrative and most important tax avoidance strategies used by multinational companies and the wealthiest Americans.

    When the Clinton administration sought to stem the tide of companies shifting trillions of dollars of profits into offshore havens, Mr. Kies led the effort on behalf of a coalition of businesses to kill the regulation. In the George W. Bush administration, Mr. Kies successfully pushed for legislation to make such offshore tax dodges even easier to execute. During the Obama administration, he fended off another attempted crackdown on those strategies.

    In 2017, as part of a sweeping package of tax cuts signed by Mr. Trump, Mr. Kies lobbied for a new tax break that provides a 20 percent deduction to certain businesses, which overwhelmingly benefits the richest Americans. And most recently, he advised the Trump Organization on a dispute with the I.R.S.

    His clients have included companies like General Electric, Microsoft, Goldman Sachs, Chevron, Pfizer, Bank of America, Aetna, Anheuser Busch, Time Warner and Caterpillar as well as hedge funds like Millennium Management and Elliott Management, private equity firms like General Atlantic, foreign giants like Deutsche Bank and numerous insurance companies.

    In his new role, Mr. Kies will oversee about 100 attorneys and economists at the Treasury Department’s Office of Tax Policy, a powerful corner of the federal government. The office issues regulations to help the government administer tax laws and provides guidance that can render the latest tax-dodging strategy a gold mine — or doom it.

    With the passage of a $4.5 trillion tax cut package, Mr. Kies’s office will have the responsibility to write the rules to interpret and administer the new law — an enormously powerful role, particularly given the fast speed at which the legislation was written and passed.

    That office “is incredibly important,” said Reuven Avi-Yonah, a tax law professor at the University of Michigan. “In the end, the final call is from the Office of Tax Policy and they call the shots.”

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    https://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2025/07/ken-kies-helped-big-companies-dodge-taxes-now-he-writes-rules-as-assistant-secretary-for-tax-policy.html

  • The Comparative Law And Economics Of Term Limits For Academic Leadership

    Jan M. Smits (Maastricht University; Google Scholar), The Comparative Law and Economics of Term Limits for Academic Leadership):

    SSRNThis contribution discusses the arguments in favour and against strict term limits for full-time academic leaders (such as deans and rectors). It is argued that good reasons exist for limiting the time one can serve in such positions, including the need for faculty self-governance. Both legal-economic arguments and current practice – based on a brief empirical survey of the time deans at Dutch law schools and rectors at Dutch universities serve – suggest that a maximum period of six to eight years best suits the interest of university and faculty.

    This avoids academic leaders becoming vulnerable to interest groups, makes them more representative and responsive, promotes innovation, vitality and diversity and facilitates succession planning.

    Editor’s Note: If you would like to receive a daily email with links to legal education posts on TaxProf Blog, email me here.

    https://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2025/07/the-comparative-law-and-economics-of-term-limits-for-academic-leadership.html

  • A Damaging Endowment Tax Crosses The Finish Line

    Chronicle of Higher Education Op-Ed: A Damaging Endowment Tax Crosses the Finish Line, by Phillip Levine (Wellesley):

    t’s finally over. I’ve been tracking the estimated impact of various endowment-tax proposals at leading colleges and universities for the past six months, and the scorecard is now complete. The damage isn’t as severe as it could have been, but there will be pain. Mostly what we observed was the triumph of politics.

    Highly endowed private colleges have been in the crosshairs for the past decade. A tax on their investment returns was first instituted in 2017 as part of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. That law imposed a tax of 1.4 percent on returns for institutions with more than 500 tuition-paying students and a per-capita endowment of greater than $500,000.

    In one of my earlier analyses for The Chronicle, I estimated the annual cost that would be imposed on selected highly endowed colleges and universities under three different sets of proposals: an initial House proposal from January, an initial House-passed bill from April, and an initial Senate proposal from June. Now, in a table below, I show those estimates and also my latest projections based on the final bill.

    EndowmentTaxFinal

    These institutions are among the best in the world. They provide a high-quality education to their students, who go on to become society’s leaders. They generate advances in science and technology that improve our economy and our health. The financial hit they face will impose real costs on the people who work at these colleges, the students who attend them, the communities they are in, and our country as a whole. Does scoring a few political points warrant the infliction of such pain and the squandering of such opportunity for our nation? Evidently, this administration thinks so.

    Chronicle of Higher Education, The Nation’s Wealthiest Small Colleges Just Won a Big Tax Exemption:

    “I can’t even tell you the pendulum swing of all this,” said Anne F. Harris, president of Grinnell College, in Iowa. Grinnell went from paying $2.4 million under the current tax, to potentially $30 million under the initial bill that passed the House of Representatives, to now being exempt altogether. Its endowment was valued at $2.67 billion as of last year.

    The tax break is a huge win for Grinnell and the 20 or so small liberal-arts colleges that banded together in a joint lobbying effort — making the case to lawmakers that their endowment returns are critical to fund their financial-aid programs, cover operational costs, and contribute to their communities.

    The colleges that joined together are in similar situations: Their financial models rely on endowment interest, and many are located in rural communities. Eleven of the 14 colleges that would have been subject to the top three endowment-tax rates under the House bill — 7, 14, and 21 percent — enlisted lobbying and consulting firms in recent weeks, according to disclosure records.

    Editor’s Note: If you would like to receive a daily email with links to tax posts on TaxProf Blog, email me here.

    https://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2025/07/a-damaging-endowment-tax-crosses-the-finish-line.html

  • Dropping Logic Games From The LSAT Has Enhanced Accessibility, Raised Scores, And Diluted The Test’s Predictive Validity

    Michigan Daily, How Dropping Logic Games Has Influenced Accessibility and LSAT Score Trends:

    LSAT 2025In October 2023, the Law School Admission Council announced they would be removing the analytical reasoning, or “logic games,” section of the Law School Admission Test and replacing it with an additional logical reasoning section starting in August 2024. One admission cycle later, the new LSAT is sparking conversations at the University of Michigan — a top 10 law school — about accessibility in the application process.

    The change was the result of a 2017 lawsuit against LSAC brought by Michigan resident Angelo Binno claiming the analytical reasoning section was disadvantageous for visually impaired test-takers. In an email to The Michigan Daily, Sarah Zearfoss, senior assistant dean for admissions and financial aid at Michigan Law School, described Binno’s case and wrote that the analytical reasoning section was difficult to complete without a visual aide. … In addition to unfairness for test-takers with visual impairments, Zearfoss wrote the analytical reasoning section was biased towards affluent students due to its coachable nature. …

    Following the August 2024 format change, there has been a general increase in LSAT scores. In alignment with an overall upwards trend in scores for the past four years, LSAC reports a 42.2% increase in applicants applying to law school with LSAT scores ranging from 175 to 180, the highest possible score, in 2025 compared to 2024.

    In an interview with The Daily, LSA rising senior Rohan Vyas, founder and former president of Michigan Business Law, said he had some concern about this trend in scores as someone interested in applying to law school.

    “When they removed the analytical reasoning, I think you did see some LSAT score inflation after that,” Vyas said. “I’m not super opinionated on it — I think, as someone who’s shooting for the highest score possible, seeing other people get higher scores is like, ‘Hooray for them,’ but at the same time the inflation isn’t necessarily the best thing.”

    Derek Muller (Notre Dame): “More recent developments, including the acceleration of extra time test-takers and the dropping of logic games from the LSAT, promise to further dilute the predictive validity of the LSAT in yet-unknown ways.”

    Prior TaxProf Blog coverage:

    Editor’s Note: If you would like to receive a daily email with links to legal education posts on TaxProf Blog, email me here.

    https://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2025/07/dropping-logic-games-from-the-lsat-has-enhanced-accessibility-raised-scores-and-diluted-the-tests-pr.html

  • Symposium:Teaching ADR, Mediation, Negotiation, And Client Counseling

    Symposium, Teaching ADR, Mediation, Negotiation, and Client Counseling, 69 St. Louis U. L.J. 433-640 (2025):

    Editor’s Note: If you would like to receive a daily email with links to legal education posts on TaxProf Blog, email me here.

    https://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2025/07/symposium-teaching-adr-mediation-negotiation-and-client-counseling.html

  • Tax Policy In The Trump Administration

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    https://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2025/07/tax-policy-in-the-trump-administration-2.html

  • Netanya Hosts 9th International Roundtable On Taxation And Tax Policy

    Netanya hosts the 9th International Roundtable on Taxation and Tax Policy (program) today:

    Netany Academic CollegeSession I: International Taxation I: Pillar Two Chair: Yoram Margalioth (Tel Aviv University)

    Sagit Leviner (Ono Academic College; Google Scholar), The Two Pillar Reform in International Taxation of Multinational Corporations: Challenges and Policy Recommendations:

    The current international tax system, designed over a century ago, struggles to address the challenges of the modern economy. While in the past it was relatively easy to define where income was generated and where business activity took place, today’s digital and global economy presents new challenges arising from the fact that business activity occurs largely in the virtual space, without the need for physical presence, fundamentally different from the world for which the international tax rules were originally designed. This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of current trends in international taxation and their impact on Israel, by outlining key issues in the design of the contemporary international tax system and its trajectory. In particular, the paper presents and analyzes the emerging reform in international taxation led by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), known as the “Two-Pillar Reform,” assuming it progresses based on its current status. This is against the backdrop of the critical intersection between the Two-Pillar Reform and Israel’s system of tax incentives and investment policy.

    136 member countries signed the Statement on the Two-Pillar Reform in 2021, as part of the OECD’s inclusive framework (featuring 147 countries in 2024). The two pillars of the reform focus on different yet complementary aspects related to the development of the international tax system over the past few decades and are intended to address tax shortcomings emblematic of the digital age of the global economy. Against this backdrop, the first pillar centers on taxing large and highly profitable multinational corporations. It creates a new taxing right, transferring part of the profit generated by these corporations to the destination or market countries where goods and services are provided or where the final consumer is located. In this way, the first pillar expands the tax bite of destination or market countries, allowing them to increase their tax collection. The economic impact of the first pillar is expected to be small in most countries, and accordingly also in Israel. In contrast, the second pillar establishes a global mechanism for effective minimum taxation of multinational corporations at a rate of 15%. Thus, the second pillar focuses on the phenomenon of profit shifting and base erosion that has greatly intensified in recent decades, by setting a limit to international tax competition. The scope of the second pillar is broader than that of the first pillar, it applies to a larger number of companies, and may accordingly have a more significant effect on the global economy in general and the Israeli economy in particular.

    Specifically, the paper analyzes the impact of the Two-Pillar Reform on the tax incentives system and the policy required to maintain Israel’s appeal for foreign investments in the new international tax-economic reality. In this context, the paper outlines and discusses three main scenarios regarding the implications of the Two-Pillar Reform for Israel’s policy, from which it emerges that the reform poses unique challenges as well as opportunities, especially in the field of tax incentives and investments. The challenges are the required changes in the tax system, resulting from the emerging reform, and their potential consequences for corporate incentives to invest in Israel. The opportunities, on the other hand, include the potential to increase revenue collection alongside possibly cutting back on the provision of tax benefits in light of the declining international tax competition and increasing international tax cooperation.

    The paper’s recommendations include examining the corporate tax incentive system to identify which incentives should be maintained, which should be canceled, and which should be converted into grants or benefits external to the corporate tax system, in order to protect Israel’s relative advantage in attracting international investments/corporations. Furthermore, in light of the expected reduced capacity to attract international investments/corporations by means of tax benefits, the paper also recommends examining alternative investment incentives that comply with the rules of the reform, such as tax credits that turn into grants and regulatory simplification. These incentives should target companies that contribute significantly to the Israeli economy, such as investments that generate considerably more value than is reflected in corporate profits (“positive externalities”), or those that are particularly important to the economy, and have the capacity to relocate from Israel. More importantly, and more than ever, in light of the reform, it is essential to improve fundamental factors, such as education and other infrastructure, in order to strengthen Israel’s position as an international business center. These steps will support Israel’s economic growth and fiscal resilience.

    Rifat Azam (Reichman University; Google Scholar), The Global Minimum Tax and Intra Western Tax Competition, 44 Berkeley J. Int’l L. ___ (2026) (reviewed by Assaf Harpaz (Georgia, Google Scholar) here):

    This article provides a critical and timely analysis of the Global Minimum Tax (GMT) in the context of intra-Western tax competition, following the recent executive order by President Trump disavowing prior U.S. commitments to the OECD’s Global Tax Deal. Initially hailed as a landmark in international cooperation, the GMT reveals deeper geopolitical dynamics, including the persistence of Western dominance and emerging conflicts between the United States and Europe. The article argues that the GMT represents less a triumph of multilateralism and more a strategic maneuver within a fragmented international economic order. It explores the divergent interests of Western powers, with the European Union pursuing strategic autonomy and the United States grappling with domestic legislative gridlock and shifting policy priorities.

    Session II: International Taxation II: Jurisdiction to Tax

    Chair: Rifat Azam, (Reichman University; Google Scholar)

    Yehonatan Givati (Hebrew University) & Hillel Nadler, (Wayne State University; Google Scholar), Counting the Days: Optimal Thresholds in Substantial-Presence Test:

    Under the Internal Revenue Code, non-citizen visitors are classified as “resident” or “non-resident” for income-tax purposes based on the number of days they spend in the United States. Since 1984, Congress has fixed the bright-line at 183 days (with partial weight given to prior years), yet it has never explained why 183 is the appropriate threshold for tax residency. While this threshold is common internationally, as we show, no theoretical or welfare-based justification has been offered in the legal or economic literature. This Article fills that gap by developing the first welfare-based model of optimal day-count thresholds and by confronting this model with new data on actual visitor behavior.

    We construct an economic framework in which visitors choose trip length to maximize private utility, while a social planner sets a tax residency threshold to balance the positive externalities from visitors against foregone tax revenue. Raising the threshold allows visitors to stay longer and generate greater spillover benefits for residents, but at the cost of reduced tax revenue from individuals who cap their stays to avoid tax residency. The optimal threshold is determined where the marginal external benefit of additional visitor days equals the marginal fiscal cost. Using data from the Survey of International Air Travelers, we simulate the distribution of stays among U.S. visitors. We show that a 183-day threshold is optimal only under specific and narrow conditions—conditions that are unlikely to hold across all time periods or countries. Our analysis provides a foundation for reevaluating fixed day-count rules and suggests that a more flexible, data-driven approach could improve welfare outcomes.

    David Elkins (Netanya Academic College; Google Scholar), Measuring Location Specific Rents:

    The concept of inter-nation equity describes the fair distribution of taxing rights among sovereign nations, addressing the fundamental question of which country is entitled to tax what income. Recent scholarship has explored the concept of location-specific rent (LSR), the idea being that each country should be entitled to tax the LSR generated in its territory. However, the literature has identified a number of problems regarding the quantification of LSR. The first is that quantifying the LSR derives from economic activity in a country would require knowledge not only of the firm’s actual income, but counterfactual knowledge of what the firm would have earned had it not been able to operate in the country in question. The second is the problem of overlapping LSR. If the contribution of each of a number of countries is essential to the production of wealth, then the sum of the LSRs derived from the various countries could be greater than the firm’s total profits.

    This article examines how it is possible in practice to measure LSR. It explains that the advantages of operating in a given country, which are generally classified as public goods as far as local residents and entities are concerned, are effectively private goods from the perspective of foreign firms. Just as a competitive market can, at least in theory, allocate value to private factors of production in the domestic setting, so too can tax competition among countries quantify the LSR derived from each country.

    Session III: Everything but International Taxation

    Chair: Moran Harari, (Tax Justice Network)

    Israel Klein (Ariel University; Google Scholar), Breaking the Boundaries of Tax Planning

    Anat Alon-Beck (Case Western University; Google Scholar) & Nizan Packin (Haifa University; Google Scholar), Board Observers:

    When Does a Board Observer Become a Tax Liability? As venture capital and private equity firms increasingly appoint board observers to monitor and influence their portfolio companies, a largely unexamined legal risk has emerged at the intersection of tax law and corporate governance. Can the presence of a board observer—lacking formal voting rights—nevertheless trigger adverse tax consequences under U.S. law? This article explores how investor-appointed observers may lead to constructive control findings by tax authorities, resulting in the unexpected classification of foreign companies as Controlled Foreign Corporations (CFCs) or Passive Foreign Investment Companies (PFICs). It further examines implications under state tax apportionment rules, the erosion of protective attribution barriers following the repeal of IRC § 958(b)(4), and the ways in which observer influence may be viewed as agency for regulatory purposes. Drawing on tax rulings, audit guidance, fund structuring practices, and emerging advisory trends, this paper proposes a framework for minimizing tax exposure while preserving strategic oversight—raising fundamental questions about when informal governance crosses the line into legally consequential control.

    Limor Riza (Ono College), Proposal for Subsidy Law – The Solution for “Probably None of Us Will Have a Job”:

    A substantial portion of tax revenue is derived from income tax. However, if predictions hold true that “probably none of us will have a job”, thereby eliminating income, income tax law will become less significant. This Article explores the global impact of AI on our fiscal law. In this changing labor landscape, where AI poses a threat to numerous jobs, income tax law may be applicable primarily to the most advantaged individuals in society, while the least advantaged may experience diminished income, if any. In response to this anticipated challenge, a shift towards distributive justice becomes imperative.

    A version of universal basic income (UBI) is likely to be adopted in this emerging economic environment, providing support to individuals lacking labor income. However, the inevitable introduction of some form of UBI raises a unique dilemma. In a society where individuals receive unconditional income and there is limited work available, there is a concern that some may choose not to be active. This could result in an idle society experiencing creative atrophy.

    To address this issue, this Article proposes a shift in focus from traditional income tax law to a novel subsidy law – from taxing wealth to promoting positive social contributions. Unlike tax law, which primarily seeks to enrich the public treasury, subsidy law aims to enhance social value by rewarding beneficial activities, even those that may not yield immediate economic growth. In this paradigm, the new suggested law becomes a tool not only for addressing economic disparities but also for fostering a more engaged and socially conscious society. By redirecting attention from wealth accumulation to recognizing and supporting valuable contributions to society, this legal framework tackles anticipated issues head-on.

    Session IV: International Taxation III: Process and Procedure

    Chair: Lior Davidai (College of Law and Business)

    Noam Noked (Chinese University of Hong Kong; Google Scholar), “Congress-Proof” International Tax Reforms:

    Reaching multilateral agreements on legal reforms to address transnational problems is a formidable challenge. This task is further complicated by the structure of U.S. policymaking, where Congress may reject or actively undermine international legal standards that were established with the support of the U.S. administration. A recent example of this is the so-called “global tax deal.” The previous U.S. administration played a crucial role in reaching what then-Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen described as a “historic agreement on new international tax rules,” which was endorsed by over 130 countries. This agreement aims to reform the international taxation of large multinational enterprises (Pillar One) and introduce a groundbreaking global minimum tax (Pillar Two). However, since the announcement of the agreement, Congress has been blocking one of these reforms and attempting to derail the other. .

    Given this reality, how can the international community develop and implement effective international legal standards? Recent international tax reforms have sought to address this challenge with legal design: establishing legal standards that are resilient to Congressional inaction or that would disadvantage U.S. interests if not adopted. This Article analyzes the legal design techniques used to create “Congress-proof” international legal standards, examining six international tax standards and reforms from the past decade as case studies. This analysis demonstrates how variations in legal design affect the adoption and implementation of the relevant standards. For instance, it shows how differences in the legal design of Pillar One and Pillar Two have resulted in the failure of the former and the relative success of the latter.

    The Article explores three strategies used in the legal design of the relevant reforms. The first strategy involves establishing a legal standard that the U.S. administration can implement within the existing legal framework, thereby eliminating the need for Congressional action. The second strategy focuses on minimizing the negative consequences of U.S. non-participation by ensuring that Congressional inaction cannot prevent the international rollout of the legal standard or undermine its effectiveness. The third strategy aims to create incentives for the U.S. government and relevant stakeholders to adopt the reform.

    The Article evaluates these strategies and their effects, including their impact on the negotiation, adoption, and implementation of international reforms. It also discusses concerns related to extraterritoriality, treaty violations, legitimacy, and retaliatory actions.

    Moran Harari (Tax Justice Network), Counties’ Global Commitment to Administrative Assistance in Tax Matters (and the Lack Thereof):

    The Tax Justice Network’s June 2025 update to the Financial Secrecy Index introduced new data points focusing on countries’ commitments under the Multilateral Convention on Mutual Administrative Assistance in Tax Matters (MAAC). The analysis shows that despite growing membership in the MAAC, many jurisdictions — particularly major financial centers— exploit reservations and opt-outs to limit their cooperation. In addition, most of the jurisdictions that are ranked high on the index, refuse to assistance in collecting foreign tax debts and avoid information exchange on non-compulsory taxes such as inheritance, wealth, and digital services taxes, often reserving these powers for selective bilateral agreements.

    The Tax Justice Network also highlights the inconsistent global adoption of new international frameworks for the automatic exchange of information (for which the MAAC serves as the legal basis), particularly in areas such as crypto-assets, digital platforms, and other emerging sectors. Such selective commitments allow countries to present themselves as cooperative while continuing to limit meaningful tax information sharing. To address these shortcomings, the organization advocates for stronger, binding reforms through the United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, including mandatory participation in administrative assistance and firm deadlines for implementing automatic exchanges of tax information on a global scale.

    Editor’s Note: If you would like to receive a daily email with links to tax posts on TaxProf Blog, email me here.

    https://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2025/07/netanya-hosts-9th-international-roundtable-on-taxation-and-tax-policy.html

  • Public Universities And Law Schools Should Prioritize In-State Students To Educate And Empower Those Building Their State’s Future

    Northwest Arkansas Democrat Gazette Op-Ed: Arkansas First, by Robert Steinbuch (Arkansas-Little Rock):

    StateUAt the University of Arkansas-Little Rock, 85 percent of all students are from Arkansas, and 90 percent of undergraduate students are Arkansans. … [T]he University of Arkansas-Fayetteville–which justifiably boasts on its webpage that it reached a new high for the number of Arkansans it enrolled, for the fourth year in a row–soundly ends its mission statement with “all in service to Arkansas.” Well said!

    These data demonstrate a commitment to the foundational principle—articulated by, among others, Justice Clarence Thomas in an early affirmative-action case from Michigan—that the mission of state universities is to serve their residents.

    Thomas wrote in the Michigan case: The only cognizable state interests vindicated by operating a public law school are, therefore, the education of that State’s citizens and the training of that State’s lawyers.

    James Campbell’s address at the opening of the Law Department at the University of Michigan on October 3, 1859, makes this clear: ‘It not only concerns the State that every one should have all reasonable facilities for preparing himself for any honest position in life to which he may aspire, but it also concerns the community that the Law should be taught and understood . . . . There is not an office in the State in which serious legal inquiries may not frequently arise . . . . In all these matters, public and private rights are constantly involved and discussed, and ignorance of the Law has frequently led to results deplorable and alarming … . [I]n the history of this State, in more than one instance, that ignorance has led to unlawful violence, and the shedding of innocent blood.

    The [Michigan] Law School today, however, does precious little training of those attorneys who will serve the citizens of Michigan. In 2002, graduates of the Law School made up less than 6% of applicants to the Michigan bar even though the Law School’s graduates constitute nearly 30% of all law students graduating in Michigan. Less than 16% of the Law School’s graduating class elects to stay in Michigan after law school. Thus, while a mere 27% of the Law School’s 2002 entering class is from Michigan only half of these, it appears, will stay in Michigan.

    In sum, the [Michigan] Law School trains few Michigan residents and overwhelmingly serves students, who, as lawyers, leave the State of Michigan. By contrast, Michigan’s other public law school, Wayne State University Law School, sends 88% of its graduates on to serve the people of Michigan. It does not take a social scientist to conclude that it is precisely the Law School’s status as an elite institution that causes it to be a waystation for the rest of the country’s lawyers, rather than a training ground for those who will remain in Michigan. The Law School’s decision to be an elite institution does little to advance the welfare of the people of Michigan or any cognizable interest of the State of Michigan.

    Thomas is undeniably correct. Public universities, including ours in Arkansas, function to improve the lives of state citizens. Our taxpayer-funded colleges’ raison d’être is to provide affordable, high-quality education to Arkansans-—fostering an able workforce and informed citizenry. This ensures that the state’s investment in higher education directly benefits Arkansas through increased skilled workers, local employment, and tax contributions.

    This emphasis on training Arkansans at state institutions is especially important when it comes to professional schools. Arkansas is critically short of doctors, dentists, and attorneys, particularly in rural communities. …

    When universities stray from this core mission by admitting too many out-of-state students in search of additional tuition revenue at the expense of serving the needs of the local community, they face justified pushback. The University of California system, for instance, encountered such criticism, prompting the state legislature to demand that public universities focus on Californians. Legislators have a funny way of insisting that state institutions serve, well, state citizens. Go figure.

    As one analysis aptly notes, public schools are naive when they seek to attract out-of-state applicants for the purpose of feathering their beds. This mainlining of cash may seem appealing—in the short term—to administrators who’ve sampled the narcotic of easy money, but it risks transforming state universities into “crass, moneymaking operations . . .

    When universities stray from this core mission by admitting too many out-of-state students in search of additional tuition revenue at the expense of serving the needs of the local community, they face justified pushback. …

    Arkansas’s commitment to prioritizing in-state students is a model of stewardship. By focusing on Arkansas first, our universities uphold their purpose: to educate and empower those building our state’s future.

    Editor’s Note: If you would like to receive a daily email with links to legal education posts on TaxProf Blog, email me here.

    https://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2025/07/public-universities-and-law-schools-should-prioritize-in-state-students-to-fulfill-their-raison-detr.html

  • When An Award-Winning Law School Paper Is Profoundly Questionable

    Following up on my previous posts (links below): New York Law Journal Op-Ed: When an Award-Winning Law School Paper Is Profoundly Questionable, by Joel Cohen (Senior Counsel, Petrillo Klein & Boxer, New York; Adjunct Professor, Cardozo and Fordham):

    Florida Law Logo (2023)On June 21, The New York Times reported that a University of Florida law student argued in his award-winning paper for a class regarding the intellectual philosophy of “originalism” that “We the People” meant just white people. Yes, just white people! And still, it was award-winning. …

    Given academic freedom and the First Amendment, certainly [Preston] Damsky had the right to submit any point of view. Indeed, his being way off the mark actually reflects my own thinking; and I have to recognize that I could author a piece—and often do—which the likes of Damsky would find abhorrent. But here is the thing—he was rewarded. He received the highest grade in class while spouting hate. How can that be, even if that hate was shrouded in an intellectual exercise?

    Is it about academia—indeed, law school academia—allowing students to say whatever they want as long as they believe that there’s an intellectual underpinning to their product? Should it matter that the professor who granted the award—really identifying Damsky as the best student in the class based, in large part, on this paper—is a Trump-appointed district judge (or is that, and likely so, simply a cheap shot in times of political warfare?)? Should it matter? Would it have made a difference if the adjunct professor/judge knew at the time (this was not evident until after the award was given), that Damsky is an avowed racist and antisemite who has argued that Jews must be “abolished by any means necessary.” …

    I acknowledge a school of thought that a student’s paper must be viewed by its scholarship rather than by the point of view taken. But professors have a larger role; part of teaching, at least in my view, requires one to challenge, not reward, the bizarre sentiments such as those Damsky has chosen to argue or express.

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    https://taxprof.typepad.com/taxprof_blog/2025/07/when-an-award-winning-law-school-paper-is-profoundly-questionable.html

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